In terms of right of protest, there are three types of rights: civil rights, political rights, and social rights. Civil rights deal essentially with individual freedoms and liberty, such as freedom of speech, legitimate self-defence through the due process of law, etc. Political rights are about the rights of participation in political governance either in the capacity of membership of a political party, organisation, or as a member of an electorate. Social rights include the right of economic support which enables people to live according to the prevailing standards in their society.
In the Aba Women’s Riot in December 1929, there was a major revolt by women in southeastern Nigeria against British colonial rule. The women protested against the imposition of taxes and oppressive policies of the colonial administration. In the end, about 50 women reportedly died with many others assaulted. The Abeokuta Women’s Union and its journey serves as a major example of women resisting colonialism through peaceful means in history. The group was one of the early proto-nationalist feminist activist groups in Nigeria, given that it sought to push for reforms and inclusion of native participation in the colonial administration instead of immediate self-government. Despite being protonationalist, the movement achieved significant social and political change. The movement successfully transformed Nigeria. It toppled the king and changed British policy – in effect, it paved the way for the transformation of the political structure in Abeokuta, and of women’s politics, as well. Further, the revolt brought together modern and traditional forms of protest, and remained one of the longest, self-sustaining protests by women – lasting nine months in all. This was a powerful assertion of agency and demonstration of community action to resist colonial dominance – making the most of multiple avenues for engagement to resist colonial dominance.
In 1989, thousands rose in protest against the IMF and World Bank-inspired Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP). SAP did not go down well with the grassroots people because of the devastating impact on Nigerians which included closing down of institutions of learning, payment of levies in schools, retrenchment of workers, and hike in prices of essential commodities and removal of subsidies on social services. Opposition to SAP led to protests in 1986 that crippled the entire nation for some weeks. While different groups responded vehemently against SAP, the role of Nigerian students was most critical. Although the labour unions were not left out in the protest against government surrender to an institution of Western hegemony and exploitation, government response was to ban them. Government highhandedness to the Nigeria labour caused intense strain and disorganization of labour movements that now manifest in sporadic industrial disputes and strikes which invariably hamper economic development in Nigeria. Government responses to anti-SAP protests were largely adversarial, palliative and cosmetic. Inadequacies in government response at the time have further led to the collapse of social infrastructure and unassailable unemployment till today.
Thus, since the dramatic annulment of the Abiola mandate on June 23rd 1993, Nigeria almost became a nationalities’ warfare of sorts. Worse to the extent that, save for very isolated pockets, virtually all the ethnic nationals played along with Babangida’s eight years of ominous politics. The damage on the polity has become almost irreparable. The result, a mutilated political process, a truncated federal system, arrested development and threatened corporate existence. In short by a process of Northern hegemony – political and military – in the abysmally poor social engineering of unbalanced ethnic arithmetic – Claude Ake’s statement that politics has underdeveloped Africa seemingly finds its fullest expression. The left organized within the human rights community, using organizations such as the Civil Liberties Organization (CLO) and Committee for the Defense of Human Rights (CDHR). And at the arrowhead of their organizing and mobilization efforts were coalitions. The first of these was the Campaign for Democracy (CD). This coalition was formed in November 1991 and took a stand against the military-led political transition that led to the June 12 elections. It called for the overthrow of the military junta, and for military rule to be replaced by a provisional government which would immediately convoke a sovereign national conference (SNC).
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The ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo’s administration in 2006 attempted to insert an elongation clause in the constitution to ensure his continuous stay in office. The gambit to perpetuate Obasanjo in power was seriously resisted and publicised by civil society groups like the National Civil Society Coalition against Third Term (NACATT). Other civil society organizations that participated in this protest are; Peoples Problems and Solutions (PPS) organization, Catholic Bishops’ Conference of Nigeria and individuals like Prof. Wole Soyinka, former governor and factional chairman of the Alliance for Democracy (AD), Chief Bisi Akande, Prof. Ropo Sekoni, Dr Joseph Oladokun, Solomon Olufelo and Adeola Odusanya among other. President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua became the first civilian leader in Nigeria to take over from another after winning controversial polls in 2007. This pushes Nigerian democracy to the precipice when he left Nigeria for treatment in Saudi Arabia without observing protocol for well over ninety days. On assumption of office Yar’Adua made it known to the world that one of the guiding principles of his administration is the “Rule of law” which was abused with impunity. This breach was immediately greeted with protest from well-meaning Nigerians and the civil society both at home and in the Diaspora calling for his resignation, impeachment or declaration as permanently incapacitated. Notable amongst these groups are the Save Nigeria Group (SNG), the Mega Summit Movement (MSM), Nigeria Bar Association (NBA), the Nigerian Democratic Liberty Forum (NDLF), the Media and the Intelligentsia among others. This political mobilization later culminated in the emergence of an Acting President Goodluck Jonathan through the introduction of the “Doctrine of Necessity” by the Senate which later laid the matter to rest.
On 1st January, 2012, Government went ahead and removed the subsidy. The effect of the withdrawal of subsidy was immediate, with transportation fares across the country soaring as high as 120%. The resultant effect was an astronomical rise in the cost of living. Nigerians felt bad that the only “social security” available was withdrawn and untold hardship and frustration foisted on them. Thus, labour and civil society demanded an immediate reversal of the subsidy removal but government did not bulge. So, on January 9, 2012, the Occupy Nigeria Protests started across the country and lasted officially for over two weeks. Also, the protest triggered increased national awareness, with citizens analysing the 2012 annual budget to the point where the president’s feeding budget was viewed as a major setback for the nation. Protesters demanded accountability in virtually all sectors of government. The protest was bolstered after the organised labour called for a nationwide strike on the fourth day of protests. Labour union’s declaration of strikes, indicating that it will join the protests, provided the movement with a needed fortress. However, this also gave the government a window through which the protests were later quelled. Organised Labour provided the protesters with leadership and a template for dialogue with government.
The Nigerian police force has a long history of unethical, corrupt, and criminal conduct. Its Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS), formed in 1992 to combat armed robbery and other violent crimes, was especially notorious for brutality against citizens. It has repeatedly been accused of committing the crimes it was created to respond to, and its members have been implicated in widespread human rights abuses, including extrajudicial killings, torture, arbitrary arrests, unlawful detention, extortion, and sexual violence. Several promises and commitments by the authorities to investigate alleged abuses by the group and ensure accountability yielded no meaningful results. It has been argued that the 2020 #EndSARS and 2022 #EndSARSMemorial2 protests attained their goals. For example, the SARS police unit was dissolved due to the protests in 2020. In the case of the 2022 protests, demonstrators who had been imprisoned since 2020 were being freed due to the sustained pressure from activist groups while the president signed into law the Start-Up bill. This bill, now an Act, was designed to stop police officers from harassing young Nigerians with laptops. Prior to the protest movement, many young Nigerians were arrested on suspicion of being internet fraudsters.
Africa’s most populous country is struggling with soaring inflation and a sharply devalued naira currency after President Bola Ahmed Tinubu introduced reforms a year ago aimed at reviving the economy. Nigeria’s participation in what many are now calling the global “summer of discontent”, is not an isolated phenomenon. Across the world, democracies have been grappling with waves of protests, each characterised by unique local grievances, but all sharing a common thread: a deep dissatisfaction with the status quo. From the streets of London to Dhaka, Nairobi to Caracas, and from European capitals to cities in Zimbabwe, South Africa, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Ethiopia, Senegal, and Burundi, citizens have risen to demand change. These movements, though varied in their specifics, share a collective yearning for better governance and an end to systemic inequities. Yet, while these global protests resonate with a shared call for justice, Nigeria’s situation is distinct, shaped by its own set of economic challenges and political dynamics. Although there may be some similarities between the issues in different countries, some analysts say there is limited evidence that the recent protests are linked and that the narrative of an African Spring in the making does not tell a complete story. The protesters, comprising young and old, students, workers, and professionals, carried placards and banners bearing messages such as ‘Enough is Enough’, ‘Cost of Living Don Finish the Living’, ‘End Corruption, Bad Governance’ and ‘Fix Nigeria’, among others.
The state is open, civil associations are emboldened by and enabled to advocate on behalf of citizens, and citizens are empowered to exercise their constitutional rights and recall or elect officials at all levels of government who will create policies and results that are beneficial to the security and living conditions of the majority, rather than to an elite few.
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